The American public expects much from a President,
from balancing the budget of the country to insuring America’s
image with the rest of the world and bringing prosperity to the
nation. Perhaps the expectations of the American people for the
President are too high. After all, the President is only a single
person with the responsibility of showing the face of the United
States to the rest of the world. American citizens also expect the
President to be someone apart and of a higher moral grade than the
average citizen. Perhaps it is these high expectations that lead
to the disappointment of the citizens in the United States.
Many examples of Presidents who have come to office
with a seemingly large amount of public support and confidence have
gone down in proverbial flames by the end of their sometimes-shortened
presidencies. These examples include the exploits of Richard Nixon
as well as well as the Bill Clinton marital scandal. After a outrage,
the public seems to have remarkable rebound ability. This fact is
demonstrated in the idea that American love to latch onto political
figures. Americans want to love their politicians, but the bureaucracy
sometimes makes this difficult through their actions and deceitfulness.
The President also has a habit of embarrassing the
American public through the slurry of mediocrity that sometimes
issues forth from their mouths, and in turn is recorded by the media.
The constant and unceasing lack of proper grammar by George W. Bush,
in particular the pronunciation of the word “nuclear”
raises the question, is it being done to show the ignorance of the
President, or because his stubbornness has prevailed. As Americans,
children are taught to look up to the President both as a knowledgeable
individual, and as a positive leader for the country. What sort
of example is being set for American children, when the President
of the United States refuses to accept the fact that his pronunciation
is simply incorrect and ridiculous?
American Presidents in the last fifty years also seem
to have quite a bad habit of making seriously detrimental policy
decisions, both domestically and internationally. Beginning with
the current President, major tactical blunders include the invasion
of Iraq without provocation, and the failure of the U.S. to capture
the man responsible for the single largest attack on American since
Pearl Harbor, Osama bin Laden. Nixon and Johnson kept the United
States in Viet Nam, and the United States has been to the brink
of war with the former Soviet Union. These events have all been
exacerbated by the policies of the President presiding during the
event in question.
Perhaps the high public expectations of the President
are at least partly responsible for the public appraisal of the
President himself. As a result, the next inevitable question must
be, is high public expectation at all to blame for the performance
of the President? It often seems that the higher the expectation
of the public that a President will be successful in bringing prosperity
to the country, the greater the chance that President has of falling
hard on domestic and foreign policies that are not popular with
the public. Perhaps the stress on the President, especially in an
age where nuclear war and the end of life on earth are discussed
openly, as well as the strain of representing an entire country
is simply too much for any one person. Many European countries have
continually shied away from the concept of one main figurehead of
the country that has power equal to that of a large body of pubic
representatives. Perhaps this concept is a fact that the United
States should pay attention to, based on the continued factors of
having one decent President for every two that set the country back
economically and socially.
Americans at least, must share the blame for the way
that the President often seems pulled between two different viewpoints.
In many ways, the belief that the President is pulled in two different
directions is a positive sign that the President is at least considering
more than one side of an issue. However when a President acts as
aggressively and as stubbornly as the current one has, especially
in the areas of cooperation with other countries, and its continual
campaigns of pubic deceit, one must argue that expectations for
the President are too high. Stress has a tendency to cause rash
decisions that have negative consequences. For this reason, perhaps
Americans should expect less of the President, and more of groups
with many members such as the Congress, both House and Senate.
In an age where forms of war exist that can deliver
mass devastation from thousands of miles away, it is increasingly
necessary to have open dialog with the rest of the world. This is
not to say that the President should be weak. However, the President
must not be stubborn and refuse to work with other nations that
have traditionally been considered allies of the United States.
This is especially important when attempting to deal with countries
such as Iran and North Korea, on the verge of development of nuclear
weapons. Once again, it seems impossible not to be drawn to the
conclusion that expectations for the President, at least in America,
are excessively high considering recent history.
The Potential Prospects
for Manuel Antonio Noriega Moreno
Manuel Antonio Noriega Moreno, the former de-facto
dictator and military general from Panama, will be released from
prison on December 10, 2007. The release has the potential not only
to promote widespread rioting and bloodshed; it also has a former
president, George W. Bush, fearing for his personal safety. The
essential question therefore remains, will Noriega revert to his
former heydays of bloodshed and corruption, or will the ex-general
turn to a peaceful civilian life? Both sides may in fact be debated
vehemently. Prison life, according to sources inside the penitentiary,
is said to have altered Noriega from an often fidgety, uncomfortable,
eccentric, and sarcastic warlord, into a somewhat calmer and more
centered and deliberate convict.
The prospect of Manuel Noriega sitting quietly in
some South America country, biding his time until old age and death
finally overtake him seems not only implausible, but also completely
against the character traits shown previously by Noriega. A more
likely and comprehensible scenario is that prison has hardened Noriega
into a more calculated and cunning criminal. Noriega not only orchestrated
his own rise to power, he educated himself at the School of the
Americas as well as at the Military School of Chorrillos. Therefore,
he is one who is used to the constant push to achieve the highest
possible goals. Noriega is also a man rooted in past codes of violent
conduct, and would seem perfectly at home in the ranks of Hugo Chavez’s
leftist movement.
Noriega was seized and deposed in Operation Just Cause,
carried out during the presidency of the first president Bush. The
irony of this is extraordinary, based on the fact that Bush arranged
the payment of over one hundred thousand dollars per year in exchange
for “help” from Noriega in disrupting the cocaine flow
from Panama into the United States. However, Noriega in the guise
of a double agent managed to play both sides until his arrest, both
financing and reaping the benefits of the Medellin and Bogota cocaine
growers, as well as funds given to him from the United States government.
The prospect of Noriega reestablishing his former
power in the Panamanian cocaine trade, are few and far between.
The Panamanian drug trade has been largely overrun by countries
such as Peru, greatly reducing the importance of Panama on the cocaine
market. Secondly, the powers base that legitimized Noriega and his
vast record of human rights violations, no longer holds power in
Panamanian politics. However, Noriega still has family living in
Panama and in neighboring Columbia, making his return to South America
a legitimate and seemingly likely prospect. The thirty years spent
in a federal prison in Miami have likely softened local and national
dislike in Panama for Noriega. Noriega may even be seen as something
of a local hero in some areas of Panama, that euphorically recall
the days when certain parts of Columbia. Medellin and Bogota for
example, were flooded with cocaine wealth. Memories of the glories
of the past are not easily forgotten and the power of cocaine, although
less in the United States now than in the seventies and eighties,
is still a multi-billion dollar business throughout the U.S. and
the rest of the world as well.
The former President George W. Bush is apparently
so bothered and apprehensive about the release of Noriega, that
he has asked Assistant U.S. Attorney Patrick Sullivan to halt the
release of Noriega based on the fear of Bush that Noriega will place
a price on his head or plot his execution. However far fetched this
accusation may seem, the first George Bush remembers and realizes
all too well the days when members of the CIA feared the threat
of his assassination around every corner, and in every country.
The former president and Manuel Noriega, who is now sixty-two, both
have a slightly old-guard approach to political relationships. The
first Bush has been accused by Noriega’s lawyer, Frank Rubino,
of being a “wussy,” further, exacerbating Bush’s
claims that Noriega is plotting his assassination.
The fact remains that Noriega is sixty-two, and is
reported to be a model prisoner, these two facts almost guarantee
his release next year if evidence of this assassination plot cannot
be found. Reports from inside prison have stated that Noriega intends
to travel back to Panama and settle the remaining legal matters
he has in that country, and settle down to enjoy his remaining years
with his grandchildren. Prison reports are often deceiving however,
because convicts are not likely to admit to plans, if the admission
will lead to a potential sentence extension. Additionally, the information
from a snitch, especially a jailhouse snitch is always under scrutiny
as well as suspicion. Therefore, the plans of prisoners for life
after incarceration are potentially rife with untruth. Noriega has
a high I.Q., the realization that his former image as a drug-smuggling
killer must be changed before the re-entrance into society, has
not escaped him.
The only true way to study the potential future disposition
of a person is to examine their personality in the past, just as
current events must be examined within a historical context. The
world has not seen Noriega since 1992 when the sentence was handed
down at the tune of thirty years behind bars. Despite the statement
that Noriega intends to return to Panama, the courts there sentenced
him in absentia in 1995. Therefore, with the return to Panama comes
the increased risk of incarceration in a prison system much worse
than that even in the United States. Therefore, it seems suspicious
that Noriega would place himself in the path of further legal and
court battles.
Is it possible that a man who held out through U.S.
siege tactics and the possibility of mob lynching, is now simply
going to live the rest of his life in quite enjoyment and exile
after a mere fifteen years of imprisonment? The basic personality
traits on Manuel Noriega seem to make this prospect possible, yet
highly unlikely. Prior to capture, Noriega was a man who seemed
constantly on the rise, constantly pushing for greater power and
influence. Will Noriega be able to sit by and watch the affairs
of Panama take place from afar? The study of the past would suggest
otherwise.
The return of Noriega to even a minor position of
power would be detrimental not only to U.S. foreign relations with
Columbia, Panama; and Peru, but it would almost certainly involve
the increase in the amount human rights abuses and corruption in
Panama. The situation seems to be perfect now for the potential
re-introduction of a dictator in Panama because the new president,
as well as increasingly greater numbers of farmers, are advocating
for the increased production of Coca. Noriega could not choose a
better time to reintroduce himself to the politics in Panama. The
country is rife with farmers dissatisfied with the low-profit producing
crops advocated by the CIA, such as coffee. Noriega, always adept
at sensing the air for the right moment to attack, could potentially
ride this wave of pro-cocaine support in Panama, directly back into
some sort of position of power where the possibility of criticism
and hatred directed towards the United States will be an imminent
threat. This however seems only possible if Noriega is able to clear
his name, and or avoid a jail sentence in panama.
The retention of Noriega by the United States would
be a major victory in securing the position of the U.S. in Panama
as well as South America. Noriega would be damaging to the U.S.
if it were possible for him to once again gain power. However it
is equally detrimental foreign policy if his retention caused an
even greater upsurge in Leftist sentiment. Modernization has come
slowly to South America, and it seems as if it has come even slower
in Panama. Much of the countryside remains the same as it has since
the early nineteen hundreds. The economy is still very rural, however
democracy has thrived successfully since Noriega was deposed. The
return of Noriega to Panama, even without a position of power, may
have the power to remind some farmers and former recipients of drug
wealth, the power and currency that flowed into their hands when
Noriega was in power. A return of the military as a central form
of government is possible if Noriega is to somehow re-gain even
a portion of the former authority once held.
The war on drugs is another sector that would potentially
be harmed if Manuel Noriega were to reenter the political spectrum
in South America. The dealings and friends that Noriega still has
in the South American cocaine cartels are not unknown to the CIA.
Noriega still has contacts in positions of power who are associated
with drug trafficking. The numbers of crack and powder cocaine arrests
made in America each year are greatly dependant on the quantity
of raw, uncut cocaine, which is able to pass into the Unites States.
The increase in the amount of raw product that enters the U.S.,
creates a market where price falls and quality rises, producing
increasing amounts of drug addicts with increasingly stronger addictions
to break.
The release of Noriega certainly doe not guarantee a breakdown or
a great loss in war on drugs, but it has the potential to create
unrest and tension in South America, where the reminders of Noriega
past atrocities are not so quickly forgotten. Nations such as Bolivia
could potentially become places of sanctuary for Noriega, based
on their recent outspokenness in supporting the cocaine trade. Peru,
and its leftist –leaning leader Hugo Chavez could even be
a refuge for the former dictator, away from the vigilant eyes of
the U.S. intelligence agencies.
Daniel Strong '07